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Commentary :: Labor

Enlightenment instead of Hangovers

"The social cuts do not follow an inevitable practical logic, perhaps of globalization or the demographic time bombs. Rather they are slaps in the face of all economic and social reason. Redis-tribution upwards from below is their core.."
Enlightenment instead of Hangovers

Agenda 2010 and Hartz IV. Pressure for a Leftwing Alternative in Parliament

By Jorg Huffschmid

[This article originally published in: Freitag 15, April 2, 2004 is translated from the German on the World Wide Web, www.freitag.de/2004/15/04150501.php. Jorg Hoffschmid is a professor of economics in Bremen.]

The new favorite sentence of the governing is: There is no alternative to our policy. However politics is never without alternatives. It is either a creative space or a superfluous playground of a political caste. Therefore unions, leftist parties and movements in Europe will demonstrate on April 3, 2004 in several cities against the social deforestation and for another policy.

The German government has decided for a neoliberal action program of counter-reform. There is no resistance in the parliament. The delegates of the SPD (Social-democratic party of Schroeder) and the Greens follow the government. To the opposition, everything doesn’t go far and fast enough. The parliament is presumably the last place where an alternative to this program has a chance. This will not change even if 30 leftist delegates take their seats in the Bundestag in the next election. Given these prospects, how can we fight for an alternative?

This attempt is important if it is not overloaded or weighed down. When a new leftist group takes its seats in the Bundestag, this will not be the spearhead of a seething social movement. It would be a modest success of a defensive attempt not to let welfare state positions completely disappear. As a result, “creating” politics as a little group in the Bundestag is not central. That leftist criticism of the policy of the German economy and concepts for a different policy are heard in the Bundestag is crucial. These concepts don’t need to be reinvented. Criticism and concepts have existed for years in unions, social movements and parts of science. The movements offering criticism should be strengthened and developed further. The use of the rostrum and the resources of the parliament should support the non-parliamentary opposition. This will advance the power constellation necessary to really change politics.

The government, the parties, nearly all the media and the bulk of science drum into our heads daily that the direction of economic and social policy – Agenda 2010 and corollary programs – is firstly good for everyone, secondly practically commanded and thirdly without alternative. This uniformity is somewhat overwhelming and paralyzes many who are frustrated by politics. Enlightenment is necessary against this. Enlightenment promotes insight in the aggregate economic connections, emphasizes conflicting interests and illuminates power relations. This is not only desirable for the sake of truth. It is also necessary to go beyond frustration and canvass actively for another policy. Enlightenment must be thorough and free from illusions. Otherwise it leads to hangovers and to complete capitulation to the powerful.
Applied to Agenda 2010, Hartz IV and the like, enlightenment must make clear four central facts. Firstly, the “reforms” of the German government are not good for everyone and do not assure “future-friendliness”. They worsen the situation for most people and make their future uncertain. Secondly, the social cuts do not follow an inevitable practical logic, perhaps of globalization or the “demographic time bombs”. Rather they are slaps in the face to all economic and social reason. Redistribution upwards from below is their core. Social cuts are unsocial or anti-social blocking domestic demand and ruining the foundations of total overall economic development. Thirdly, economically reasonable and socially progressive alternatives exist to this policy of counter-reform. If these alternatives are implemented, unemployment could be overcome, the social state secured and extended and sustainable development promoted. Fourthly, the realization of these alternatives requires the readiness and capability for conflict with the dominant interests and power blocs.

All four elements are indispensably necessary. The reason for the rapid regression of the Red-Green government policy is that they don’t see or take seriously the fourth point. Before 1998, the Greens and the SPD knew that neoliberal policy wasn’t good for all people (1st element) or objectively necessary but essentially a policy in favor of the rich (2nd element). They had ideas about different and better alternatives (3rd element). The Greens didn’t see and the SPD didn’t want to be at loggerheads with the interests of mammoth corporations and business associations (4th element). Timid approaches were taken by the “economy” under fire so conflicts were quickly buried and never pulled out again. This deficiency in conflict preparation has led to the total repression of past knowledge at a breath-taking speed. Meanwhile neoliberal policy is regarded as without alternative, commanded out of practical necessities and ultimately good for everything and everyone – a U-turn right down the line.

Therefore the central points of an economic- and social-political alternative program are:

· More employment at good conditions through revival of domestic demand. The long-term goal of a new full employment can and should be attained through a combination of public investment programs, developing public services and reductions in working hours.
· The public social security systems should be strengthened and extended as the foundation of the social state where all members of society and all kinds of income contribute to their financing.
· Taxation would be more just when high incomes, capital incomes and assets bear greater burdens corresponding to their output and lower income sectors are relieved.
· Extending joint-determination and strengthening the rights of employees and unions would ensure that democracy doesn’t stop at the gates of factories and “the economy”.
· Disarmament and more cooperation instead of confrontation and militarization in international relations secure peace and balance as indispensable foundations for just prosperity in the world.
These alternatives will only have a chance when social movements and political pressure soften the hierarchy of power. To that end, a leftist group in the Bundestag can modestly contribute through consistent enlightenment. This pragmatic and useful project deserves support.
 
 

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