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A View from Iraqi Oil Fields comes to the US

A View from Iraqi Oil Fields comes to the US
by Zachary Lown; June 23, 2005

In August of 2003 the General Union of Oil Workers (GUOW) in Basra, Iraq led its 23,000 members in a general strike aimed at Kellogg Brown and Root (KBR). They surrounded their headquarters for six days, halted all oil extraction and forced the Halliburton subsidiary out of the region. By January of 2004 the mere threat of a strike was enough to get the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) to raise their monthly salary from $35 US dollars a month to about $100.
Hassan Juma’a Awad, Chief of the Executive Bureau for this oil union arrived last week in Washington DC. This marks the first time an Iraqi union has come to the US to explain their experience. Hassan attributes his success to the centrality of Iraqi oil workers for the US occupation. “The Americans have to show the world that they can deliver oil to the world market as justification for their continued presence,” he explains. He believes that he is wielding a powerful social force, a force that will inevitably bring the occupation to its knees.

It is therefore surprising that the state department okayed his visa after being pressured by Representative Sam Farr from California and a handful of other House Democrats. Hassan is here along with five other Iraqi trade unionists as part of a speaking tour sponsored by the group US Labor Against the War (USLAW). Hassan has the opportunity to address a group of congressmen on the Hill as the final tour stop in DC.

He is traveling with two other unions, the Federation of Workers Councils in Iraq and the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions. Unlike his colleagues Hassan does not wear a tie, and he prefers button down shirts rather than three piece suits. He is 53 years old and is a strong looking heavyset man with neatly cropped white hair, a short white beard and thick black eyebrows. He smiles widely as he shakes hands with various political leaders but when he is not expressing gratitude his face assumes a look of stern concentration.

During a brief moment when he is not on his feet Hassan reclines in Mimi’s American Bistro restaurant in Dupont circle. He rests his hands on the table and his fingers are extremely thick. He looks over the room as it fills up with supporters. “We are ready to provide you with the technical accomplishments in the petroleum sector so that you can see what the worker has built in the wake of the occupation. When the occupation forces came in much of the infrastructure was destroyed. We had to recreate and reinvent and now with limited means, with barely any tools we are 3-4,000 feet under ground extracting oil.”

Political Differences

During a brown bag lunch meeting at AFL-CIO headquarters the question is put to the Iraqi union delegates whether they stand in harmony with USLAW in calling for “immediate and unconditional withdrawal.” Hassan quickly interjects, “I ask that my colleagues answer only on behalf of the organization that they represent and not on behalf of all Iraqis.” It is this question that divides this otherwise cordial group.

In January of 2003 the U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council issued Decree Number 16 naming the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), one of the three unions now touring the US, the sole legal union federation in Iraq. This granted the IFTU control over the assets of the old state-run General Federation of Trade Unions, including its membership lists. Members of both the Iraqi Communist Party and former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi’s Iraq National Accord hold positions of leadership inside the federation. “Occupation is refused by all peoples,” explains Abed Sekhi representing the IFTU who wears a dark blue suit and spectacles which rest on the end of his nose, “But today Saddam’s arsenal is in the hands of many people. We hope that the US army is there long enough to strengthen Iraqi military forces and therefore doesn’t leave the people to be victimized by terrorist gangs.”

The following day Hassan addresses a lunch meeting at the Communications Workers of America. “Many people are in the dark and don’t know the real intentions of the occupation, but we the indigenous have known since the first day,” he says. “Oil is the main reason for the invasion. This became clear when the Occupation authority tired to privatize the oil sector in Iraq. It covered this practice with various disguises so many Iraqis will buy it.” The crowd seems transfixed. Some chew their food staring straight at the speaker. He tilts his head to the side and rests both fists on the podium waiting for his interpreter to hurry up and finish.

“Privatization is a nice word, but it means the economics of colonialism. The transfer of public national wealth to private foreign ownership...As soon as they came in with tanks from Kuwait they began defending the oil fields. The Ministry of Oil is the only department where there has been no looting. Do you all know this? I don’t think so because the mainstream media is molding your opinion…We have to fight and struggle to expel the occupiers from our land. We need your support in this goal.” Enthusiastic applause bursts from the crowd but Hassan does not smile as he sits down.

Despite running at warp speed the tour continues without a hitch until the Iraqis arrive at the Presidents’ office of the AFL-CIO. John Sweeney insists on meeting the Iraqi delegation without Gene Bruskin of US Labor Against the War. This is viewed by the Iraqis as a political calculation and they refuse to meet the President in Bruskin’s absence. Sweeney finally agrees to meet the whole group, anti war contingent and all. According to the Iraqis Sweeney was hospitable during this private meeting, however feeling short on time Hassan finally tells the President, “You must take a stand on the war, your union must passs a resolution.” Sweeney does not answer the statement directly.

Iraqis on the Hill

At 10am the six leaders wait in a single file line next to the tall white pillars of the Capitol building lobby. “If you only knew what we had to go through to get here…,” Hassan says. When the six labor leaders traveled to the US embassy in Baghdad officials turned them away and told them that they would have to apply for their visas in Amman, Jordan. Each leader then traveled the two day journey to Amman numerous times over the course of 10 weeks, passing Fallujah on the way. One of the Iraqis was beaten and robbed during such a trip. Now in the Capitol they are cleared through security in ten minutes. The Iraqis move swiftly, constantly looking over their shoulders to make sure the contingent is still together.

Inside the small white press room of the Capitol Representative Farr makes his opening statements. A few staffers enter the room, followed by Democratic congressman Dennis Kucinich. More than half of the congressmen who co-sponsored the leaders’ visit failed to make it to the scheduled June 15th briefing.

After introductions the moderator asks the Iraqis who wants to speak first. Without waiting for a response from his colleagues Hassan makes his way to the podium. “President Bush wants to implant democracy in Iraq," he begins, "but the democracy we have seen so far is unjust. We cannot even walk behind an American car. The Iraqi people are not terrorists...Please help us to get rid of the occupation, it must end as soon as possible.” Sam Farr leaves half way through the briefing. Two of the Iraqis exchange grim smiles and one sighs heavily.

Iraq at an Impasse?

Today is the first time Hassan uses the phrase, "The occupation must end as soon as possible." In this country there is a political divide between those who want to end the occupation now and those who like George Bush explain that the occupation must end 'as soon as possible.' When questioned about this word choice Hassan replies, "That is not what I said. Only a mercenary benefiting from the occupation would want it to continue any longer."

As an oil worker Hassan stresses how essential his fellow workers are to the American occupation. His union held elections on April 9, eleven days before the fall of Saddam Huessien so as to pre-empt the United States' attempt to "seize Iraq's national wealth.” "The purpose of our union is not to change governments,” he explains. “We can provide the workers and laborers with collective protection to secure our national wealth. In Iraq we do not anticipate the emergence of a Solidarnasc [Solidarity union movement] like what arose in Poland because we do not have the support from the outside world."

Yet despite this feeling of isolation Hassan sees the occupation in a process of defeat. "I see victory very close." He says straightening up as he speaks. "I visually see the American failures in Iraq every single day. I see a huge number of Iraqis who are willing to put their lives on the line to end the occupation. And I see that it will eventually happen because we are all united against the occupation. That is a collective call for all people regardless of their political position, religion or affiliation." Hassan puts his camcorder in its leather carrying case and prepares to rush to his next engagement.

It is not clear what force is going to drive the US out of Iraq or what will happen in the wake of a US withdrawal. But according to Hassan this is not the most important question facing Americans. "To sum it up, there’s an old saying in Arabic: 'It is the people of Mecca that are the most knowledgeable as to what goes on within their populace.' Only the Iraqi people can figure out how to drive out the Occupiers. This is not the decision of any foreigner."
 
 

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